Wells interview with Sinclair and Foster

(Here it is, my first official addition to the project as a contributor.)

Interview given by H. G. Wells with Premier William Foster and (Ret.) General Secretary Upton Sinclair, 1938.

(In 1938, during the week-long festivities celebrating the fifth anniversary of the foundation of the Union of American Socialist Republics, noted British Man of Letters H. G. Wells was invited by the Presidium of the United Republics, and by members of the Workers’ Communist Party, for an interview and a discussion on the subject of Socialism, and the political system of the United Republics itself, with then Premier William Z. Foster and the recently retired General Secretary Upton Sinclair. Given four years after Wells’ historic interview with Soviet leader Iosif Stalin*, it helps to form a complete picture of both the unity of the young Communist world, as well as the differences of opinion that would arise between the two TCI superpowers).

Wells: To begin with, I wish to share my gratitude to both of you, Mr. Foster and Mr. Sinclair, and to our mutual friends who helped facilitate this meeting.

Foster: The pleasure is all ours, Mr. Wells, I assure you.

Sinclair: I do lament that we were not allowed to have this meeting before my retirement.

W: Yes, you retired recently from politics Mr. Sinclair. Any particular reason?

S: Nothing terribly significant. I’ve done what I could to secure the Revolution and further the cause of Socialism at home and abroad, so I thought it was time to return to my first occupation and leave politics to the young. The world is theirs, after all. The events of last year ultimately solidified my decision.

W: And you, Mr. Foster?

F: I figure I still have a few years left in me yet. But ultimately that’s a question for the workers to decide.

W: Mr. Sinclair, you mentioned the events from the previous year. Are you referring to the events that were sparked in Michigan?

S: Yes, specifically those and the actions of solidarity that spread throughout the Union.

F: It was an ugly episode, of that there is no doubt. But it ultimately proved the durability of the Workers’ Government. We had predicted that such problems could arise and had formulated measures in order to deal with them.

W: So the offenders have been sacked?

S: They were re-called, and new elections were held. It will be up to the courts to decide their fates.

F: The possibility of corruption is as much a risk in proletarian democracy as it is in bourgeois democracy. But the system that the workers have put in place has proven durable.

W: I actually wanted to briefly discuss that subject, specifically how the government of the United Republics works, especially when compared to that of the Soviet Union.

S: We would be happy to, within reason.

F: We do have to emphasize that the form of socialism that has risen in our Union was born from very different material conditions than the ones born in Russia. Their struggle was quite harsh and bloody compared to ours.

W: I was actually scheduled to speak with the President-Elect in 1933**. I did not take that trip, obviously.

S: That was a wise decision. No-one could have guaranteed your safety then.

F: We couldn’t even guarantee our own safety!

S: You did get to speak with our comrades in Russia, yes?

W: Yes, I was able to interview General-Secretary Stalin the following year. We actually spoke of the events in America that were happening then. My editors had other ideas, however.

F: Comrade Stalin is rather disarming, isn’t he?

W: Indeed. I was pleasantly surprised. But to get back to the subject at hand: The Soviet system appears to be much more rigid and centralized than what you have built here in the United Republics. Has that caused any conflict between your two?

S: We have certainly had our disagreements, if that is what you are asking. But that can be said of any government.

F: The Soviets were instrumental in our triumph in the Revolution. They provided us with arms and volunteers at a time when we desperately needed them, and Comrade Stalin was the one who facilitated it. Our friendship with the USSR remains ironclad. But even friends have their conflicts, and we make no secret of those we have with our Russian comrades.

S: But we have the proper channels to address those disagreements.

W: You are referring to the Comintern?

F: The International, yes.

S: It provides a forum for all of the Communist parties of the world, and we have made our grievances known there as well as in public.

W: Well then, to elucidate further on the subject of the United Republics’ government: You are not in fact a One-Party State, as is the case in the USSR.

F: Liberty is a virtue that the workers of the Union cherish, and we believe that political liberty is part of that. Because of this, we have freedom of speech and the press, and freedom of religion for the private life of workers who are so inclined. And yes, we have multiple political parties active in the Congress of Soviets.

S: Our first Deputy Premier, Comrade La Follete, was not a member of the Workers’ Party but a member of the Democratic Farmer-Labor Party. Other allies in the Revolution like Comrade Roosevelt are Democratic Republicans. All three of these parties are represented in the Congress.

W: So all of these parties espouse socialism?

F: In varying ways, yes.

W: What about non-socialists?

S: That would be the True Democrats. They, too, are allowed to run for elections if they have workers’ support. They are not terribly popular, however.

F: Especially in the former South, where many members of that party were formerly involved in the oppression of Negroes. But again, we do believe in political liberty even for those we staunchly disagree with.

S: But to emphasize the point: Political liberty is something we cherish in our Union. No-one is punished for disagreeing or speaking out against the government, nor should they be.

W: Your friends in the Soviet Union might disagree.

S: Not as strongly as you seem to think.

F: Again, the conditions that the USSR was born from are very different and more harrowing than the ones we faced here. They still continue to face sabotage and counter-revolution from both interior and exterior malefactors.

S: We do not necessarily agree with all of their actions, but we do understand why said actions have been taken.

W: But you do still have issues with subversion.

F: On occasion, yes. We have largely dealt with most reactionaries and counter-revolutionaries that directly endanger our Revolution. But we’ve done it with Due Process and protecting the liberties of the workers and peoples of our Union.

S: The workers would not forgive us if we failed to subdue them. These are not simply dissidents, they are hardened bigots and racists who seek to terrorize our Negro, Jewish and Latin brethren. They work directly with large criminal syndicates in order to fund their operations, if not simply receive aid and comfort from Havana.

W: So there is still no love lost between you and MacArthur.

F: You can probably guess why.

W: Turning to politics: You have an election coming up, correct?

F: That we do! In a couple of weeks, I believe.

S: They were announced in January by my successor.

W: Would you mind giving some thoughts on your fellow candidates, Premier Foster?

F: I’d be happy to.

W: Wonderful. Let us start with Mr. Harry Truman from the Democratic Farmer-Labor Party.

F: I obviously have quite a bit of admiration for Comrade Truman. His work with the Minutemen was exemplary during the Civil War. His record speaks for itself. My issue however is that he is supportive of a petit-bourgeois brand of pseudo-socialism that, if not outright reactionary, is vulgar in its social regression. Quite simply, he is far too attached to his idealized agrarianism rather than material reality.

W: I see. Well, what of Mr. Thomas Dewey of the Democratic Republicans?

F: Well, Comrade Dewey and his compatriots aided us during the Civil War, and helped to bring several sympathizers from the old Republic to our cause. For that, he and they have our gratitude. I also admire his zeal in fighting against the racketeers and counter-revolutionaries in Metropolis. But sadly, like many of the Democratic Republicans he has far too much of a romantic attachment to the old United States, and is unable to fully recognize the legacy of slavery, colonial brutality and oppression that it inflicted upon this continent. There is a reason that we in the Workers’ Party made a clean break with the past.

W: And finally, what of Mr. John Garner and Mr. Francis Walter of the True Democrats and Provisional Democrats, respectively?

F: (laughs) No comment.

S: The workers have already shed blood for our Union. We are not going back, no matter how much those two men wish us to.

W: I see. Perhaps we should turn to some lighter topics. I’d like to turn to you, Mr. Sinclair. Being a fellow Man of Letters I’m particularly interested to hear of your current activities.

F: I had a feeling this would come up.

W: Well, Mr. Sinclair’s books are read in my country as well as yours.

S: And you shall have a few more, because that is exactly what I am currently busy with. Now that I finally have the time to write to my heart’s content, I’ve been able to write at the rate I used to before the Revolution. I have so many topics to plum through that sometimes it’s difficult to marshall all of my ideas into a coherent narrative!

F: The fact that you now have that prototype electrical typewriter certainly doesn’t help. (laughs)

S: Perhaps. But I digress. Among my current projects are a memoir of the Revolution, as well as a story for children***.

W: A children’s story, you say? That would certainly be a new enterprise for you, I believe.

S: I’m up to trying a lot of new things, these days. For the first time in my life, the future seems bright and prosperous. I’ve only a limited time on this planet, and I still feel like I’ve got hundreds of stories to tell. The Memoir alone may run ten volumes!

W: And Mr. Foster, it seems likely the WCPA will win reelection. What is the agenda for the next term? Indeed, what is your vision of the future of the nation?

F: Simple, we continue our work over the past few years building the dictatorship of the proletariat and helping the workers of the world achieve freedom. We live in very troubling times. The armies of fascists and capitalists are wrecking havoc across the globe. They are trying to repress the free peoples of Spain, Libya, Ethiopia, Czechoslovakia as we speak. Hitler’s measure against the Jewish people are truly monstrous. We strive to show that fascism and dictators are not the only way. That a society run by the workers that make it function is possible and can be free of hatred and oppression. WE hope to be a shining example and inspire the workers to wake up and make this a reality for themselves.

(Wells thanked the two gentlemen, who in turn offered their gratitude for the opportunity. Foster would win re-election to the Premiership, only to resign from his post two years later on the outset of the Great Revolutionary War.)

*Yes, this actually happened. You can read it here.
**This also happened, though in real life he spoke with FDR.
*** He’s referring to ‘The Gnomobile’, which in real life was published in 1936. Obviously, he didn’t have time to write it ITTL until now. *[WPA]: Works Progress Administration *[NBI]: National Bureau of Investigation